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ORATION.

PHO^Ot'TSCETi.

FOURTH JULY, 1816,

BEFORE THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON

AT THE JlEflTTiST- OF THE SILECTMT:\

BY GEORGE SULLIVAN

PFIVTKB 111 C. STEDBI3TS

i8i6;

VOTE OF THE TOWN

At a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of BOSTON,
duly qualified and legally warned, in publick town-meeting, assembled at the Old
South Chukch, the 4th day of July, A. D. 1816.

Voted, That the Selectmen be, and hereby are appointed, a committee to v ait
on GEORGE SULLIVAN, Esq. in the name of the town, and thank him for the
elegant and spirited oration, this day delivered by him at the request ot the town,
upou the anniversary of American Independence, in which were considered the
feelings, manners, anil principles, which produced the great national event ; and to
request of him a copy for the press.

Attest, THOMAS CLARK, Town Clerk.

5

ORATION

The return of a period which has given birth
to interesting objects, reminds us how indispensable
they are to our happiness. We live surrounded and
protected by the highest political blessings : enjoying
a security in our persons and property, ~with a certainty
of the duration of it ; which leaves us nothing to fear,
and almost nothing to desire. Hence a deep insen-
sibility to the value of our extraordinary privileges
habitually pervades the community. But the return of
this anniversary awakens, in the wise and the grateful,
a consciousness of their rich possessions : Americans
on this day contrast with pride their nation's freedom,
honour and security : New-England's sons and
daughters rise in prayer and praise to that goodness
and mercy which preserved their fathers : Bostonians
with gratitude review the feelings, principles and man-
ners of their ancestors, which produced and transmit-
ted the freedom of their country.

Survey the happy condition that distinguishes you
above every other people. On the first institution of
your national government, some alarming discrepancies
of opinion on questions of principle did indeed exist. It
was to be expected in an experiment upon new materials.

whose laws of attraction and combination were as yet un
known, that men profoundly skilled in the results of oth-
er combinations might differ in their theories of this.
Happy indeed has been the result of his bold and sub-
lime experiment ! Honest difference of opinion is can-
didly allowed, and the tranquillity which has succeeded
to an alarming war, brings you the assurance that youi
constitutions are competent to the exigencies of your
country. Compare them with the governments of oth-
er nations. Where will you find laws operating like
ours with equal pressure on every branch of admin-
istration as on the people ? where will you find power
so stripped of immunity and prerogative ? where the
interest of government so perfectly coincident with the
welfare of the people, that if justice even were discard-
ed from the breast of legislative and executive power,
interest alone would give solidity to a wise adminis-
tration. In these respects no equal has ever existed.
In the republicks of Greece, either the people were the
wanton tyrants over government, or the government
was a factious tyranny over the people. For a moment
Home seems to present a resemblance in the annual
election of her consuls. It is to this the learned Mon-
tesquieu ascribes her glory and her triumphs. But her
glory was purchased by ambition, at an expence of
millions of citizens, and her triumphs were so laden
with the spoils of conquest, that eventually they shook
the foundations of the republic. The resemblance was
only in form. The tendency of that government was
to insrease its power by the slavery of the people.

It was reserved for modern times, when the experi-
ence of ages had developed the principles of the social

compact, and the progress of mind had subdued the
sceptre of power, to establish by controlling forms of
government the rights and interests of men. Legis-
lation, as a science, pregressively improving with the
melioration of society, first appeared in the land of your
ancestors. There the perfect and commanding form
of jurisprudence was first revealed to mortal eyes.
The wise and valiant, from whom your fathers sprung,
reared to her, as to a divinity, a vast and splendid
temple, whose foundations were lain upon the wisdom
of the antients, whose columns were modelled by the
experience of nations, and sustain a firm and massive
canopy, that seems to defy the elements of convulsion,
and the decay of empires. It was the temple of Jus-
tice ; the steady lustre of her lamp has cast its instruc-
tive light upon our shores ; and the wisdom, the genius
and eloquence of many illustrious judges and advocates
of our own time, whose lips are closed in death, have
bequeathed us the means of founding an asylum, broad
as our country, for the refuge of justice ; should the
destiny of nations consign England, like Carthage, to
the silence of ruins.

The stability of her government, however, has been
tried : conquest or revolution has,within the last century,
overturned every nation in Europe, save only the king
dom of Great-Britain. The summary of her history
discloses the cause of her security and of yours to be
the same. While in some nations, as they rose from
the thraldom of feudality, the nobles conspired with the
sovereign against the people, the nobles in England
combined with the subject against the monarch, and by
gradual reduction of the power of the crown, raisod

6

the spirit of liberty among the people. Preeminently
favoured among European' nations, with this only pure
fountain of legislation and justice, she has been fhe ad-
miration of all. Ages had been consumed in the struc-
ture of her government; and the project of establishing
in this country, at once, a constitution of equal efficiency
was ridiculed there as chimerical — an Utopian bubble,
that might glitter for a while in the sunbeam, but would
surely burst on contact with the slightest obstacle.

Our fathers had profited of their opportunities too
well not to disappoint such partial expectations. They
had mastered the political wisdom of the age. And
have they not shewn that, if we have reason to rejoice
in our descent, England has scarcely less to be proud
of her descendants ? Security at home, power and
respectability abroad, are to a certain extent necessa-
rily incident to every vigorous government. But it is
peculiar to governments, whose principle of action is
chiefly the interest of the people, that the security of
person and property at home is not sacrificed in obtain-
ing power and respectability abroad. This principle
of action, in the government of England, is commingled
with a desire of honour, too often found repugnant to
the real interests of the subject. Ambition, influenced
by turns with ardent desire of personal distinction, and
a selfish love of gain, nourished from the throne as the
fountain of honour, is there the open approved incite-
ment to greatness. With us such ambition is odious,
and in New-England forever defeats its purpose. It
may, and has acquired wealth and power, but never
honourable fame. The prayers and the respect of the
good and the wise do not follow it in retirement, nor

ilo these embalm with affection its lifeless remains.
Men, in every country, under every government, are
allured to publick life, by the charms of distinction.
Ambition forever renders homage to the power confer-
ring it. Hence ambition is devoted to prerogative in
monarchy, and to the publick good, or to the ruling
passion in republicks. Thus ambition, the motive
power of all governments, is so chastened in yours, that
an enlightened intelligence of your own interests stead-
ily pursued, will give in practice, as in theory, indu-
bitable excellence to your constitutions above every
other. But like others, it is exposed to the irregular
action of party.

A federative system of sovereign states naturally
tending to anarchy among themselves produces occa-
sions for party-conflict peculiar to their confederacy.
Yet while their true interest is most surely obtained
by the union of all ; the only remaining subject of
contest — possession of the brief authority of ruling un-
der the constitution, can hardly endanger the duration
of that constitution ; because the disappointment of to
day is ever cheered with the hope of success to-morrow.
Power cannot always rest in any one section. Jeal-
ousy will supply a motive to opposition, should no
other exist, which will forever give to power in our
nation, a perambulatory character, that will preclude
the acquisition of a destructive influence by any one
state, and cherish the hope of possessing power in al-
most every other. There is therefore a sufficient coun-
terpoise to regulate this otherwise alarming tendency
of the states to anarchy among themselves.

Here yielding to the feelings of habitual respect and

veneration for oar mother country, a recollection of oui
origin, the inestimable gift of laws, and the light of
science we have received at her hands, would forbid a
further comparison, ftut is it not time for Americans
to respect themselves? Shall we longer ascribe to
France or England a superiority which policy as well
as truth invokes us to claim for ourselves? They are
indeed preeminent in science, in arts, in literature
and in refinement : their copious streams have overflow-
ed and every where enriched our country. Identity of
language and similitude of habits and manners, has
facilitated a wider diffusion among us of the inventions,
learning and taste of England, and we have naturally
awarded to her the most exalted rank as a nation- Yet
while we yield to her the admired results of supera.
bundancc of wealth and excess of population, may we
not rejoice in our exemption from the luxury and the
misery, that these entail on their possesors. America
is perhaps too necessitous to give her time to every
branch of speculative science, or the productions of re-
fined literature. But in practical science what nation
excels the ingenuity and boldness of her artists ? Con-
fessedly equal in naval architecture, inferior to none iu
the facilities of commercial transportation, surpassing
all in the variety and value of our agricultural produc-
tions, rivalling even the workshops of Europe with the
product of machinery, may we not be permitted to as-
sume that it is the application of science to useful pur-
pose which constitutes its value. If too we must allow
superiority in literature and taste ; is it not some assur-
ance of our future eminence that her best authors are,
at least, as generally studied here as in England ; that

9

*ome of the most eminent painters, whose pencils have
emblazoned the name of England with a glory, are
natives of America.

Inferior as we may be in science, have not Ameri-
cans yet reason to be proud of their country ? Greater
freedom in political institutions, superior intelligence
among the community, a state of morals, paradoxical
as it may seem, progressively improving with the
meaus of luxury ; a religion without superstition, with-
out hypocrisy, and without state influence, exhibiting
here the strongest proof of its authenticity, by effect-
ing its own progress without the excitement of intoler-
ance, or the political aid of government ; a jurispru-
dence equalled only in one nation, an administration of
justice surpassing all others ; A government whose
spring and balance are the people's interest ; a rank
and respectability among nations won by the valour of
your arms and the chivalrous spirit of your navy ;
these are your rich possessions : and forever honoured
be the memory of the illustrious men, whose spirit,
wisdom, and resolution have secured for us these un-
equalled blessings.

The lofty virtues of your ancestors rise, like the bril-
liant summits of your mountains as your age recedes.
Like these their foundations were lain in secret. In the
recesses of domestick retirement they instructed their
offspring of Providence, traced their being, preservation
and enjoyments to his throne, and fixed an habitual
consciousness of dependence. The interesting relation
of parent and protector was associated with this; and
each felt an interest in the whole of their community
as members, of the same family. Publick spirit could
2

10

not fail to unite such a people when danger lowered
on their land. The evils of intolerance had finally
given them the spirit of moderation. The privations
of the wilderness, in the cause of religion, had taught
them patience in suffering ; their wonderful preserva-
tion and success had filled them with habitual confi-
dence, that while the principles of justice, and a fami-
lar sense of duty, should continue to guide their con-
duct, all perplexity and danger would issue in their
happiness.

An early reference to these principles, and the obli-
gations they impose, imbued every mind with just con-
ceptions of the rights of man ; and established manners
breathing a manly respect to the feelings of equals, and
a profound deference for age and superior wisdom.
Hence a spirit of subordination supplied the place of
government, and precluded the posibility of anarchy
even when government was dissolved in revolution.
Such prompt feelings of publick spirit, such refined
principles of justice and right, could not be indifferent
to the wrongs of any individual. Oppression kindled
at once a common indignation. The frugality and
simple manners of the times could interpose no tempo-
rising policy. No calculations of interest or fear of
loss for a moment arrested the course of their zeal.
No earthly consideration could restrain it. And when
at last, the war burst upon your hills, the spirit of your
fathers spread, with the. rapidity of lightning, through
the laud.

Through what various accidents, toils, and perils
they acheived the liberation of your country, and estab-
lished its Independence, many who now tijl your posts

11

of honour and the most respectable stations in private
life, have too eloquently depicted from this place, to
leave a single touch to be added. The views which
they have presented, to their admiring townsmen, of
the wisdom, publick spirit and valour of the statesmen
and warriors, who conducted the revolution, will never
be indifferent to Bostonians, and are too fresh in recol-
lection, now to need an exhibition.

Wisely was it ordered, by the venerable men,
who participated in those mighty efforts, that the an-
niversary of Independence, should be hallowed, by
the recollection of the virtues, that produced it. To
you, fathers, and to you, whom nature gives to feel a
deeper interest in your offspring, how dear is the wish,
that the feelings and principles, which have surround-
ed you with an extent of happiness, that the sun does
not smile upon elsewhere in his course, should be
transmitted with equal blessings to your children ! It
is yours to transmit them. The early impressions they
receive from a mother's lips, of the high and sacred
importance of truth, the necessity of justice and honour,
and the gracefulness of generosity and chastened cour-
age will prepare them for defenders of their country,
in the senate or the field ; or to pursue respectably the
happier vocations of private life. It is thus you may
infuse somewhat of the purity of your own into the
character of your nation.

If there be any one who does not feel the importance
of this character, let him remember the days, when
European powers, fighting desperately for conquest,
or existence, all trampled on our rights, as if they be-
lieved we had not the spirit of a worm to turn, when

trod upon ; with what shame and confusion our coun-
trymen were humiliated abroad, with what sense of
inferiority we were degraded at home. Now, by the
skill and prowess of a few, a fortuitous concurrence
of circumstances has given security to our commerce.
Our stars are borne in triumph to every quarter of
the globe. Abroad how honoured and respected is
our name, how raised and exalted our opinions at
home ! None is so humble among us but participates
in the pride, which now swells through the nation.
This is no vain, useless pride ; it is the overflowing
of mutual confidence, from an abundant assurance that
the spirit of our country can be equal to its emergencies.
The recent and auspicious display of our national
character, attracts your attention to the means of cher-
ishing and exalting it. National pride, which is some-
times confounded with national character, rather indi-
cates its real value. Thus the pride of aucestry, in
the Greek and Italian, betrays a total want of the
boasted qualities that made their ancestors the prodigy,
and the masters of the world. It is a label fastened
about their necks to mark their disgraceful declension.
As little do we envy the infatuated pride, that glories
in ceaseless victories; which only impose the necessity
of new conscriptions of men, new privations, and,
ultimately, bring conquest and subjugation upon the
victors. A well proportioned pride in science, in arts,
and in arms, Americans will every where respect; but
an arrogant exclusive pride, who can admire ? Does
it not sometimes indicate an incapacity for higher ef-
forts, a hopelessness of more exalted attainments ?
The objects of our pride may, by the vain glorious, bit

13

deemed humble : Ihey are unequalled domestick happi-
ness in peace, and sufficient power to defend our rights
in war. Humble as they are, on comparison with other
nations, our hearts would rise in exultation did we not
from education understand and acknowledge, that our
felicity, like the fruit of Eden, is the production of
Providence — our highest merit enjoyment with grati-
tude, and use with obedience.

In adverting to religion, as a means of national cha-
racter, it is interesting to observe, that religion, in
every nation, has been co-eval with its origin and pros-
perity. While the favour of the Gods was devoutly
propitiated among the antients, their national enthu-
siasm was wrought to the highest pitch of personal sa-
crifice. Their devotion gave them higher motives than
wealth or power : their heroes aspired to rank with
gods or be immortal in the sculptured marble. Among
the Greeks, religion was degraded by attributes of in-
constancy and selfish passions : among the Romans*
it was exalted by ascription of favour to publick virtue.
Accordingly the Grecian heroes are often seen arrayed
in arms against their own country : the heroes of Rome,
never, save in the instance of Coriolanus. Themisto-
cles and Alcibiades were restored to favour and power :
Coriolanus, never forgiven, perished miserably. Not
less distinct is the the influence of state and free relig-
ion in modern times. The former is sometimes cloaked
with hypocrisy, too often a pageant of ceremony,
that lives only in the publick eye : the latter is sincere,
seeks no parade, dwells only iu the heart. How in-
fluential this, on your national character, is manifest
in the moderation it every where imposes on passion.

14*

Another means of exalting this character claims your
attention. Intermingled with other nations in the com-
petitions of commerce, whose doubtful rights are des.
tined to serve as pretexts for future animosities, you
must be prepared to surrender your trade, your proper-
ty, and homes : or you must prepare for war. You
have learned, that it is not on a supply of arms or
ammunitions of war, nor even the mechanical disci-
pline of exercise and manoeuvres, that your country can
rely for defence. What though community of danger
may rally all tothe field, will not a sense of greater dan-
ger drive them in paniek to their homes. The valour of
freemen, of fathers, brothers, and husbands in arms
must not depend on sense of danger. Arms and the art
of war, and the incentive of danger will avail nothing
without that pubiick spirit, which delights to offer, and
that pubiick gratitude, which is ever prompt to reward
the sacriiice of personal interest for pubiick good. It
was to this, that Washington exhorted you, in urg-
ing preparations for war. None better knew than he
the insufficiency of arms without spirit, how dreadful
the alarm of unexpected invasion, nor how certain it
would never be attempted if steady well bred valour
and pubiick spirit, fearless of fate, should defend the
soil. Do we fail in pubiick spirit : let not a chilly
selfishness, that dreads some burthen on itself, forbid
the effort of reform. Let not escape from the past
deceive us with flattering hopes for the future.

Your means of knowledge are indeed liberally pro-
vided. The expansion of mental faculties is fully ap-
preciated where the obligation of some intelligence in
politics and just discrimination of character is imposed
on all. Mind is indeed regarded as power. But it

15

is power, be it remembered, in the hands of ruling
passion. This forms a nation for war or peace, or for
a brave and generous policy, that fears not the first,
nor loves the last too well. If our ruling passion give
us cause for regret, may we not find an excuse in the
concurrence of circumstances, which succeeded the
revolutionary war? Sacrifices and losses had impover-
ished the whole country, and a laudable desire of com-
petency was excited by numerous opportunities of spec-
ulation into a ruling passion for gain; Though this
has not yet degenerated to hoarding avarice, we have
seen its degrading influence. We have seen private
interest among the people determine the policy of the
nation. How could this fail to produce a mean hypo*
critical economy in government? Accordingly, we have
seen a system of the wisest forecast, designed by the
framers of our constitution for national honour, and in-
dispensable to security, abandoned in the name of
economy ; then resumed with extravagance at a moment
of peril and alarm ; which that very system would have
forever prevent cd. Reiterated instances like these
will make posterity wise enough to ascribe war to want
of publick spirit. And shall we, who have felt this
truth, longer delay to implant it in the bosoms of youth?
The means are at hand.

Your publick schools, though suggested by the an*
tients, yet want incitement to the liberal feelings and
passions, which made the Greeks, near two thousand
years after their fail, the admired models of the world
in taste, in eloquenee and publick virtue. Let a por-
tion of the superabundant time now devoted to the first
rudiments of learning, in our common schools, be ap-

1(5

propriated to the story of illustrious character, in an
tiquity, exhibiting to your children its energy, heroick
devotion to the interests of its country ; its contempt of
wealth and aspiration after honourable fame; its valour
and courage. These ably pourirayed to the minds of
youth, could not fail to cherish disinterested, generous
feelings, and raise a higher standard and more exalted
admiration of honourable character. The achievements
of contemporaries would be better appreciated and re-
warded. Reanimated sculpture would breathe into
marble the admired forms of your warriors and states-
men; and posterity would not have to deplore that worse
than apathy, that has left for fifteen years the remains
of the greatest among the great, without a stone to tell
where he lies !

What greater incitement to public virtue can be men-
tioned than disinterested honour rendered to the manes
of eminent and illustrious character. Who can read
the story of his life, and not feel that human nature is
improved by the example ? You have among you an
honourable association for erecting a statue to WASH-
INGTON. Over their grateful and unremitted efforts
presides one of his beloved and confidential associates —
one among the last of his personal friends that now re-
main to us ; and is it not time to meet with correspond-
ing emotions these disinterested efforts, in whose result
all are equally concerned ? Surely the period is at hand
when we shall rear at once this monument of gratitude,
as a daily lesson to our children ; that the ambition
which aspires only to be most eminently useful, is most
sincerely honoured.

Need the inference be urged that,with such a publick
spirit, our parties, however divided against each other.

17

Would never hazard the publick good. A rapid sketch
of the influence of party on national character and pros-
perity will conclude these remarks, already protracted
it is feared, beyond the bearing of your patience.

Parties are the soul of free government. Consider
the slavish apathy that would prepare you for tyranni-
cal subjugation, if no feelings nor passions, like watch-
ful centries, challenged the incursions of power. The
due regulation and direction of these is scarcely less
important than their existence. You have erected in-
terest in your constitutions as a standard of righlgftnd
wrong. Private interest may be ^jjowed to influence,
where isolated measures draw after them no extensive
consequences. But on questions expanding beyond
the circle of self, and the present moment, our feelings
and passions should be conducted to an eminence over-
looking the whole country, and be shewn there the op-
eration of measures on the welfare of all. The mind
necessarily carried out of its own little circle for a
while, is convinced that the security and happiness
which are thus made to surround it on every side, are
the strongest barriers of its own private interest. The
conviction kindles a sympathetic coucern for the re-
motest borderer or seaman on the ocean. An unrepcll-
ed outrage upon either is felt to diminish the security
of all : for if no sympathy extends succour to him, who
is most exposed and first attacked, uo passion will be
roused till the injury has every where struck its blow.
Then passion wll be without power to resent, and prey
npon its own vitals.

The grand interest of a nation, like the happiness of

an individual, is made up of numerous little interests
3

and pleasures. The diminution cf any one of these
does not sensibly abridge our happiness ; but if the
heedless loss of one may superinduce the loss of anoth-
er and another ; how vigilantly we guard the least I
No less is a single minor interest of a nation the object
of scrupulous honour, than is the slightest imputation oa
integrity in private life. The feelings of sympathy then
for every indivdnal within our borders, and the pas-
sion of scrupulous honour towards every people with-
out, should regulate and direct our parties.

Jj^fcin what clime is not the imperfection of our na-
ture deplored! parties are opposed to each other
either in principle or interest; commonly in both. As
principle predominates in a party ; its policy towards
foreign nations is ingenuous; its aspect firm and daunt-
less. Foreign cabinets sustaining the relations of com-
petition or conflicting interests, are careful to ascer-
tain how far personal views sway the predominant
party of a country ; and accordingly, when private in-
terest prevails adapt their measures to a yielding tem-
porizing policy, which ever marks the compromise be-
tween a nation's true honour and a selfish party's inter-
est. The motives then of predominant party stamp
the character of a nation in the estimate of foreign
powers.

To appreciate the effect of this, let us glance without
partiality or imputation at the short history of our gov-
ernment. In this moment of auspicious calm, when
the peace of the world has left passion to subside, per-
haps we may perceive that our interest requires us to
make it for the advantage of party to be guided rather
by principle than by personal views.

19

When our first President was elected, the satisfac-
tion that almost universally prevailed, restrained the
malice that jealousy of his power and ascendency, dur-
ing the revolutionary war, had excited. Opposition to
his system of measures came of course ; but operated
covertly till an occasion offered of appealing to some
passion generally predominant. This was unfortunate-
ly the passion fur gain, just then assuming a character-
istic!*, influence under the garb of economy. The ques-
tion of fundiug the national debt gave occasion to the
first systematic It opposition inCongresstoJjp* adminis-
tration of Washington. There was^omething popular,
and perhaps plausible, in the objection to the funding
system that speculators rather, than war-worn soldiers,
would be beuefited by the fulfilment of the promises
made to these. But there, was much more principle in
the argument, that publick faith was the basis of pub-
lick credit ; and that without this no administration
could command the resources of the country. The
people only fearing the leyy of taxes, and without ex-
perience to instruct them, did not understand that men
who undervalue publick faith in argument, might soon
disregard it in practice ; neither could they anticipate
that loss of credit, at a moment of emergency, would,
more than double the expense of sudden preparation for
war. The excitation of a iirst difference naturally flam-
ed to a alarming height, and attracted the attention of
the whole community. Individuals presently arrang-
ed themselves on one or the other side as accident, inter-
est, or argument influenced. Men of character and
tried patriotism were found on both sides. An ardent
incitement prepared the publick mind for the enthusi-

20

asm, which appeals to the ruling passion, were about
to inflame. The determination of Washington, to retire
seemed to leave the field more free. His retirement
was the signal for unrestrained condict to begin. The
onset was furious, the resistance manly and resolute.
Unfounded imputations of intention to give an un-
constitutional energy to government were supported by
reference to measures for establishing an army and na-
vy, whose necessity and expediency could not be un-
derstood by all the people without more practical
knowledgm^ the course of nations with each other,
than the majority oPthc people at that time possessed.
Ignorance is ever ready to be jealous of superior
intelligence, vested with power. The complicated re-
lations of England with European nations furnished
no standard for American policy, and the people had
relio I almost with implicit confidence on the counsels
of .Washington. When therefore he had withdrawn, no
standard of general policy seemed to remain. Argu-
ments addressed to individual interest were vainly op-
posed by appeals to principle. Vain were the determin-
ed efforts to resistthis torrent of jealousy and impassion-
ed economy. Their triumph seemed, in the opinion of
many wise and learned statesmen, to jeopard the dura-
bility of the constitution. Mutual excitement presently
identified in the opinion of all, the success of party with
the interests of the country. The conflict was renewed
and pursued ; with what acerbity let it be remembred
only to be avoided. It endured till the late fortunate
pacification seemed to grant an amnesty to both. The
achievements of each are enrolled with the history of

21

their country, and the passions that tossed them havt
subsided forever. It is therefore permitted, on this day,
consecrated to the nation and set aside from party,
to trace out the consequences affecting our national cha-
racter and prosperity ; which have arisen from this
conflict.

The party prevailing by appeals to the dominant
passion, and the jealousy of the people were, of
course, obliged to gratify that passion with office and
emolument on the one hand ; and with the exhibition of
rigid economy on the other. The preparations for de-
fence which Washington had enjoined, and the whole
nation now approve, were of course deemed unneces-
sary.

A jealousy of state influence, excited by the avowed
ambition of one state, was fostered by the unavoidable
appearance of favouritsm. Imputations of selfish state
purposes naturally followed, and were returned with
the aggravated imputation of traitorous subserviency to
England Wishes for the success of the cause of that
country warmly expressed, by one party in New-Eng-
land, from just views of the interests at first, of Europe,
afterwards of this country, furnish all the grounds of
this crimination. It was natural to hurl back the re-
crimination of partiality to France. These powers
could not but believe in the existauce of such parties in
their favour. England adapted her policy to this be-
lief, and the 'defenceless state of our country with a fa-
tal sagacity. Her example was followed by almost
every other power in Europe, till almost every nation
that could fire a gun had plundered your commerce.
Where are now the proofs of subserviency to Eng-

land ? How idle the imputation that the most intelli-
gent portion of the union should be willing to sunder
that union, which even inferior men discerned, and dis-
cerned truly, to be more essential to the prosperity of
New England than of any other section of the country.
Nay, that the sons of New- England should surrender
their liberties to a nation, whom their fathers had been
the first to oppose at the hazard of their lives and prop-
erty. England ere long discovered the error into wheh
she had been drawn, by these unfounded imputations ;
and this discovery, it is well known, put end to the war.

How momentous the establishment and maintenance
of honourable national character needs no further illus-
tration. Arms miy establish for a while, but pubiick
spirit only can maintaiu it This must emanate from
New- England, because she alone has wrongs to par-
don and forget.

A new state of things is now rising out of the chaos
of the political world, and no one can predict the con-
cern our nation may be obliged to take in it. Let us
leave, while we can, the affairs of Europe to them-
selves ; we have happily lived to see the destroyer of
nations conducted to his lonely isle. There from some
rude, craggy cliff let him gaze on the restless ocean as
an emblem of his own tumultuous bosom, till the world,
in pity for his deep despair and tottering reason, shall
forgive his crimes.

Our concern is with ourselves : the political calm
which gives repose to party doubtless presages a new
eruption. Its lava may separate old friends, and bring
together old enemies. Your Vesuvius is in the moun-
tains of the west. That section of the country, after the

23

next census, will send a larger delegation to Congress
than any other. The love of power will grow with
the means of acquiring it. Already the dread of losing
it has excited a jealousy of the western states in the
antient dominion as they denominate Virginia. But
the warlike and adventurous hah its of the west, the pe-
culiar relations they sustain with their neighbour in
the south, seem to indicate that, for the present, they
are not the best depositories of power.

Should this new conflict arise, the probable expe-
diency in this event of the co-operation of Mewr- Eng-
land with other states, invokes a steady perseverance
iu those sound principles, which Washington bequeath-
ed us : for nothing but regard to general interest can
unite states of such various habits and views. Let New-
England be steady to her peculiar interests, if she have
them ; but let her extend an equal regard te other sec-
tions of the country. Let her suspend her partialities,
if she feel thein however well-founded in superior
morals and manners. Her wisdom will then be listen-
ed to with increased respect by all.

If in this hasty view of the rise and progress of a na-
tion, born to the highest destinies, we have reperused
the story of our ancestors with fresh interest in their
virtues ; if the independence these produced has been
blessed with a more rational felicity than the sun
shines upon elsewhere in his course ; if we have reason
to be proud of our country and its constitutions of gov-
ernment ; if we find in the past some assurance of high-
er, purer publick spirit for the future ; if wc feel an ex-
tended benevolence rising towards our country ; then
let the memory of our ancestors be annually recallcdj

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with pious gratitude. Let this anniversary be the po-
litical sabbath of parties when they shall recur to
the first principles of publick virtue, so eminently ex-
emplified in the father of his country. Then, may we
not hope that the happiness of our nation, both publick
and private shall be unequalled, but by its Fame.

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